mangur tribe

Extact from 'Images From The End Game'

26 Oct 2007

10. The Mangur leadership issue, May 1913


Russia's policy in Persian Azerbaijan is generally considered to have been largely influenced by her local consuls, who often acted in complete disregard of instructions received from the Russian Minister in Tehran or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in St Petersburg. There is, for example, little doubt that the extreme imperialistic views and actions of Consul-General Miller in Tabriz and his successor, Preobrajensky, played a central part in events, and that their influence increased further in 1912 when Miller took charge of the Central Asian desk at the Ministry in St Petersburg. Iyas was the only consul who, did not fit in with the trend. He considered Shuja ud-Dowleh, whose appointment as Governor-General of Azerbaijan had been engineered by Miller against the opposition of the British and Persian governments, as the worst possible choice for the post. In the report that follows he describes him as 'greedy, provocative and immoral', while in later reports he will have even stronger things to say about him. He made little effort to disguise his contempt for the man, prompting the acting British Consul in Tabriz to write: 'Iyas in Soujbulak is a Finn and very anti-Russian.

The political atmosphere in Soujbulak was rapidly deteriorating owing to increasing agitation by Turkish agents, the total disregard for the provincial governor's administration and continued infighting amongst the tribes in the mountains. To this was now added a constant flow of rumours about build-up of Turkish forces across the border. Iyas decided to ask for more troops for Soujbulak. 125 Russian Cossacks and five officers arrived from Tabriz, and another 500 men were 'borrowed' from Urmiyeh to spend Easter in Soujbulak as a show of Russia's strength and determination. These troops, however, became a new source of disruption when Shuja ud-Dowleh, taking advantage of the increased Russian military power base, started intrigues to replace the tribal leader, Bayz Pasha Mangur, with his cousin Bapir. Nearby tribes immediately lined up on either side of the dispute and prepared for armed confrontation. Iyas, recently promoted to the rank of colonel, condemned Shuja's actions in the strongest possible terms and brokered a peace settlement, which had the curious consequence of providing Russian consular protection to Bayz Pasha, the pro- Turkish Mangur.

Alexander Iyas report No. 86, 1 June 1913 [14 June 1913]. Secret.
Report on events in the domain of the Russian Imperial
Consulate in Soujbulak for the month of May 1913.

Expedition against Bayz Pasha Mangur:

My last report made mention of a clash between the Mangur leadership brought about by the machinations of Bapir Agha Mangur [cousin of Bayz Pasha Mangur], who, on the orders of the Governor of Azerbaijan, Shujaud-Dowleh, arrived in Soujbulak on the heels of our detachment with the aim both of taking possession of the villages that had been seized by his kinsmen and of becoming head of the Mangur. As a result of the clash, Bayz Pasha, who at the time was planning to go to [blank in original], unexpectedly moved northwards to Gejkederre and Kavis. Here he spent two days gathering his clan before moving on to Pengin and Hassan-Chep and pitching camp in a strategically advantageous position. Hoping to make use of the stir caused by the transfer our detachments from Urmiyeh and Tabriz to Soujbulak to finally destroy his old enemy Bayz Pasha Mangur, Shuja ud-Dowleh instructed the Governor of Soujbulak, Sardar Mukri, to order the Dehbokr and the Begzad to
submit to the leadership of the aforementioned Bapir Agha Mangur and attack Bayz Pasha Mangur from the direction of Soujbulak; at the same time the Gowrik, Piran and Mamash were instructed to do the same from
the south. For this reason the Dehbokr and Begzad were summoned to Soujbulak, while the chieftains of the other tribes were ordered to attack Bayz Pasha Mangur's encampment from the rear and the flanks. The Dehbokr duly presented themselves, albeit most unwillingly, in Soujbulak; the Begzad, on the other hand, procrastinated and arrived only in the middle of May, by which time they were no longer needed. Once in Soujbulak, the Dehbokr, however, displayed little relish at the prospect of taking part in an attack on Bayz Pasha Mangur, knowing full well that they were unlikely to come out of the encounter on top. In an attempt to encourage them, 'Sardar Mukri requested 200 Qarapapakh mounted men: from Sulduz; however, no more than 70 actually came. When it became evident that even the arrival of the Qarapapakh had failed to raise Dehbokr morale, Sardar Mukri appealed to me on Shujaud-Dowleh's orders with a request that I allow the Persian Cossack squadron based in Naghadeh to join Bapir Agha Mangur's men, arguing that it was necessary to teach Bayz Pasha Mangur a lesson for allowing his sons to burn to the ground the villages of Kitke, Genadar and Kalajuga. Doubtful that the request had issued from Shuja himself, I asked Mukri to put it in writing; this he did. Knowing full well that the presence of the Cossacks among Bapir Agha's men would protect them from sure annihilation at the hands of the more decisive and stronger Bayz Pasha, and knowing as well that the Dehbokr and Qarapapakh would not dare attack Bayz Pasha unaided, I agreed to the Sardar's request with a clear conscience and ordered the transfer of 50 Cossacks and one officer to Soujbulak for participation in the expedition against Bayz Pasha Mangur. When the Cossacks arrived, the Dehbokr, who by this time numbered close upon 200, cheered up considerably and finally agreed to move on Hassan-Chep. On 29 April, 200 Dehbokr mounted men, 70 Qarapapakh and 50 Cossacks left Soujbulak and pitched camp two versts beyond the town. Before the Cossacks left I summoned their commanding officer, Ziyaeddin Khan, and secretly instructed him not to permit any clashes between the two sides and, in the case of one side attempting to provoke a fight, to punish the offender without mercy.

Bayz Pasha Mangur seeks the protection of the Russian Consulate:

While Bapir Agha Mangur's detachment made its way slowly and hesitantly towards Hassan-Chep, located 25 versts south of Soujbulak, the Mamash under the leadership of Qarani Agha Mamash, together with Piran tribesmen under Mamed Amin Agha Piran and Mangur tribesmen under Qadri-Murvet and Piruti-Qaqemer, on Shuja ud-Dowleh's orders, burned and pillaged property abandoned by Bayz Pasha Mangur and his supporters in Tirkesh and Naalayn.

The behaviour of the Piran leader, Mamed Amin Agha, epitomizes the intricacies of Kurdish relationships that Iyas encountered. It may be remembered that a few months earlier, Mamed Amin Agha had been approached by Hamzeh Agha Mamash to join him and Bayz Pasha Mangur, but had opted to wait. The arrival of Russian troops now finally decided him to side with Bapir Agha against Bayz Pasha, a decision that he would live to regret a few months later when the tide turned once more in favour of the Turks. Unperturbed, Mamed Amin Agha would then ask Iyas to negotiate his reconciliation with Bayz Pasha Mangur.
Very soon Bayz Pasha Mangur found himself in an untenable position, sandwiched between Bapir Agha's men, whom he dared not attack because of the Cossacks, and the Mamash and Piran warriors. On 1 May Bayz Pasha's uncles Qadri-Bapir and Hamedi-Bapir sent a letter to the consulate with a request that they be granted Russian citizenship. Naturally I replied that this was impossible. The next day Bayz Pasha Mangur put the same request for himself to me. I repeated to him the answer I had given his uncles the day before, but added that on certain conditions I might be able to offer him protection, the conditions being that he submit wholly to the authority of both the Shah's government and the local administration, that he return the villages seized by his tribe to their rightful owners and that he put a stop to the Mangurs' robbing and pillaging. On 4 May Bayz Pasha Mangur's uncle, son and nephew came to the consulate with a letter in which Bayz Pasha declared his acceptance of my conditions and stated that the bearers of the letter had been sent as representatives of the tribe to receive instructions until such time as he himself could leave his encampment without fear of its being pillaged in his absence by Qarani Agha Mamash.
In response to this declaration I dispatched our merchant elder Naji Kazumov to Hassan-Chep on the next day to warn the besieging Kurds that Bayz Pasha Mangur was now under the protection of the consulate and would be leaving for Soujbulak with a consular representative. After leaving rather late and being caught up in heavy rainfall and a thunderstorm, Naji Kazumov failed to reach Bayz Pasha Mangur's headquarters by daylight and was compelled to spend the night at Hamedi-Bapir Agha Mangur's house. On learning of Naji Kazumov's arrival, the majority of the Mangur kadervishes [elders] came to him to declare that they would not permit Bayz Pasha to depart for Soujbulak because they were convinced that he would not return from there alive. When Naji Agha proceeded further on 6 May, the kadervishesw went with him, and when they reached Bayz Pasha Mangur they began to insist that he reject the idea of going to Soujbulak. Bayz Pasha, however, stood his ground and told them that he would not break his word and would go to Soujbulak come what may. While he was taking leave of his family, his 12-year-old son loaded his rifle and took aim at his father with the intention of killing him. The boy was seized and disarmed before he was able to fire; however, after Bayz Pasha d nonetheless mounted his horse and ridden off, the boy took a stone from the ground, showed it to those present and held it to his breast with the words: 'From now on if anyone asks me where my father is, I shall show them this stone and say, "Here is my father".'
Bayz Pasha Mangur arrived in Soujbulak by evening and presented himself to the consulate. He told me that henceforth he would submit to my authority completely and obey unquestioningly my every instruction with regard to his own person, his quarrel with Bapir Agha Mangur and his entire tribe.

Bayz Pasha Mangur and Bapir Agha Mangur:

Before outlining the rest of the facts relating to the Mangur, it might be helpful to set down thumbnail portraits of the two rival leaders of this subdivision of the Bilbas. Bayz Pasha Mangur's title is Rais ul-Ashaer (chief of the ashiret) and Bapir Agha Mangur's is Salar ul-Ashaer (leader of the ashiret). They are cousins not only on the side of their fathers, but also on the side of their mothers. They are grandsons of the late Mangur chieftain Bapir Agha Mangur, who had 19 sons. Subject to both the caprices of the Azerbaijanian authorities and their own fluctuating resources, they have both at various times, and with varying success, taken turns at leading the tribe. There is no blood vendetta or personal enmity between them. Bayz Pasha Mangur is a giant of a man with a very athletic physique. He exudes an air of power but at the same time he is open and straightforward. He speaks only Kurdish. Bapir Agha Mangur is considerably shorter than his cousin. Stocky, crafty and prone to flattery, he is a schemer and speaks Kurdish, Persian, Tatar and Turkish fluently.
Eight years ago Bayz Pasha, as leader of the tribe, was subjected to harassment by the then Governor of Soujbulak, Prince Imam Quli, who demanded from him a payment of 500 tomans. Lacking the required sum, Bayz Pasha was compelled to flee to Turkey; as a result Bapir Agha Mangur assumed leadership of the tribe. The consequences of Bayz Pasha's flight are well known. One fine day Fazel Pasha's Turkish detachments crossed over into Persia, occupied the border district, expelled the Persian officials and set to robbing arid pillaging the civilian population with no less vigour than the Kurds. Fazel Pasha restored Bayz
Pasha Mangur to authority afte;r Bapir Agha, on hearing that the Turks were marching on Soujbulak, turned tail and fled, together with the then Governor of Soujbulak, Shuja ud-Dowleh, to Mianduab, where he subsequently stayed put on a Persian pension. The Turks,' meanwhile,
took Bayz Pasha Mangur under their wing. They granted him the title 'Pasha', they awarded him a few medals and they even appointed him a monthly salary of 10 Turkish lira, which he last received as recently as five months ago. After the Turkish withdrawal from the contended zone,
Bayz Pasha Mangur travelled to Soujbulak together with the chieftains of the other Kurdish border tribes to declare his loyalty to the Persian government. Since then he has been the acknowledged leader of the tribe in the eyes of the Persian authorities.

Resolving the issue of the leadership of the tribe:

In view of the absence of any blood vendettas between Bayz Pasha and Bapir Agha, one would think that the restoration to the latter of the land seized by his uncles and cousins would have put an end to his quarrel with Bayz Pasha, particularly as Bayz Pasha did not even make use of this land. This, however, was not the case. Instead, Bapir Agha, after following our detachment to Soujbulak with the firm conviction that it was being transferred exclusively for his sake, was determined to implement the decree of Shuja ud-Dowleh that he carried in his pocket and take over the leadership of the tribe.
My own calculations suggested that not more than a fifth of the tribe would support his leadership bid. The rest were unanimous in their support ofBayz Pasha Mangur. To appoint Bapir Agha leader in such circumstances would be sheer folly of the sort that only Shuja ud-Dowleh, spoiled by our indulgence towards him and consequently harboring the belief that the sole task of our detachments in Azerbaijan is to protect his own interests, is capable of.

Iyas now explains that the question of who leads the Mangur is irrelevant, so long as they behave themselves and serve Russian interests; therefore he suggested to Shuja that Bayz Pasha Mangur should stay on the condition that he provide Iyas with a written promise to behave himself and leave his wife and one of his sons in Soujbulak as a guarantee.

This idea was not to Shuja's liking and he responded to a telegram from Sardar Mukri on the issue with the reply that Bayz Pasha Mangur must come up with compensation for losses incurred by various individuals in Soujbulak during the Turkish occupation (by various individuals he
meant some of the local akhonds, who spy for him and keep him abreast of conflicts among the Kurds that might be a potential source of income for him); furthermore, that the Mangur must be divided into two independent tribes, one to be led by Bapir Agha Mangur and the other by Bayz Pasha Mangur.

What follows demonstrates the extraordinary independence of Iyas's political opinions vis-a-vis Russia's official strategy in Azerbaijan. His reference to 'the trouble in Tabriz' relates to the period in December1911-January 1912 when the Russian Consul-General, Miller, opened the city's doors to Shuja ud- Dowleh who started a campaign of torture and killings against the Constitutionalists.

After acquainting myself with Shuja's plan, which Sardar Mukri took as an order, I asked him to telegraph Shuja on my behalf saying that I had not yet heard any calls for the reparation of losses caused by the criminal actions of Shuja himself and his supporters during and after the troubles in Tabriz; consequently it had not occurred to me to make the reparation of losses caused in a similar way by the Mangur a condition for extending protection to Bayz Pasha Mangur. I also reminded him that the Shah's government had declared a general amnesty t9 all the border zone Kurds and their leaders after the withdrawal of the Turks, and noted that the entire assets of the tribe would not even amount to a third of the losses declared by persons close to Shuja's heart in Soujbulak. Finally I pointed out that since the appointment of two tribal leaders, one of whom was significantly weaker than the other, would inevitably cause trouble among the Mangur, I would release Bayz Pasha Mangur from his obligations to me and send him back to Hassan-Chep, Tirkesh or wherever he wished, leaving Shuja: who seemed so confident of his own strength, to communicate with him directly.
Two days later Sardar Mukri received a laconic telegram from Shuja instructing him to adhere, along with Bayz Pasha Mangur, to my instructions. On the basis of this telegram Mukri dispensed a robe of honour to Bayz Pasha Mangur and confirmed his position as tribal leader. Bapir Agha Mangur was not satisfied with this and induced Piruti-Qaqemer, Qadri-Murvet and others to send Shuja a telegram saying that they could not acknowledge Bayz Pasha Mangur as leader. Shuja was delighted with this missive and immediately asked the Russian consulategeneral in Tabriz to convey its contents to Tehran along with his own opinion that to appoint Bayz Pasha Mangur leader would be to create drawn-out complications on the Persian-Turkish border. Fortunately the telegram of the consulate-general had no impact upon the course of events.
In order fully to expose Shuja's mode of operating, it is not superfluous to add that when I asked Qadri-Murvet why he had been one of the signatories of the aforementioned telegram, he replied that he had no choice, because Shuja had not only ordered the kadervishes to ignore Bayz Pasha Mangur and submit only to Bapir Agha, but had also provoked them into initiating hostilities with Bayz Pasha's people, causing Bayz Pasha's sons to burn the villages of Genadar and Kaladjuga. I am not under, the delusion that leaving Bayz once more in the position of leader of the tribe will definitively resolve relations between the kadervishes and put a stop to the quarrels and conflicts of the Mangur because, written promise notwithstanding, I trust Bayz Pasha no more than I trust Bapir Agha, Shuja himself, Sardar Mukri and all Asiatics in general. The only reason I stood behind the protege of the Turks was that I wanted to discredit him in the eyes of the Turkish border authorities and also because there is no better candidate for the post at present and no other more reasonable way of sorting out the dilemma brought about by Shuja's own greedy, provocative and immoral actions.

Lahijan:

Qarani Agha Mamash's participation in the expedition against Bayz Pasha Mangur organised by Shuja brought him and his relations more than 30,000 tomans worth of plunder in the form of livestock and other property carried off by the Mamash from encampments in the vicinity of Tirkesh and Naalayn that had been left by the Mangur in the care of their wives. This none too chivalrous behaviour of the Mamash caused the Mangur to joke that Qarani Agha Mamash and his tribe are pitiful cowards who are able only to fight women.
Qarani Agha Mamash and his brothers, in an effort to hide the real scale of the plunder from the authorities in Tabriz, spent the first half of May sending small batches of stolen rams first to U shnu and then on to Urmiyeh. However, with his trained eye of a thief, Shuja wised up to this ploy and ordered Qarani Agha to present hiI11self in Tabriz. Qarani Agha smelled a rat and, pleading illness as his excuse, sent his brother Maaruf Agha in his place. There can be no doubt that both brothers will have to share the spoils with Shuja; sating the wolves while saving the lambs will not be possible any other way.
As for Hamzeh Agha Mamash, he returned to Rayat in the last 10 days of May after visiting first Mosul and then Sheikh Jalal ud-Din in Zina. Lt seems that he received no support from governor of Mosul because the first thing he did on his return from Zina was to appeal tearfully
to me to make it possible.

Iyas concluded his monthly report with detailed news from Saqqiz, Baneh and Sardasht in the southern regions of the Soujbulak constituency where the Turks were exerting pressure on the local leaders to disregard Persian rule and prepare for military reoccupation.

Soujbulak, 1 June 1913

Consul of the Imperial Fatherland
Colonel Iyas, for him to return to Lahijan.